Mein
Shtetl Postov
by
Yisrael Raichel
Privately published in Israel in 1977
Blurb on back cover:
Israel Raichel was born in Postov, in [what was then] the
Vilna gubernia [= province]. He arrived in Eretz Yisrael as a halutz [Zionist pioneer] in 1923 and became a member of the
G'dud Ha'avoda* in Jerusalem. He studied for two years in the Hebrew University
of Jerusalem. In 1929 he went to Montreal to continue his studies. There he
became one of the leaders of the Zionist-Revisionist Party and wrote articles
in the "Canadian Adler". In 1934 he moved to the United States where
he became active in the Revisionist movement and took part in the well-known
"Baltimore Conference".* He has been residing in Israel since 11971.
*Short descriptions of items marked with an
asterisk can usually be found in most Jewish encyclopedias. However, if you
don't have such an encyclopedia, I can copy out the entries from the one that I
have (The New Standard Jewish Encyclopedia,
Cecil Roth and Geoffrey Wigoder, eds.).
Foreword [pages 7–9]
I decided to write this book in Yiddish because I am
more than sure that all the Postov Jews, who are dispersed throughout the
world, can read Yiddish, but not all can read Hebrew.
This book is not only about ghetto life
and, ultimately, death, as are the countless "memory books". My
purpose was to write about the life of the Jews in Postov before this period of
time. I wanted to determine when Jews began to settle in Postov and from where
they came, and their sources of livelihood. Unfortunately, in my research I was
unable to find any written materials that could help me in locating reliable
information about events and facts other than official accounts.
Postov is a small town, and the
significant historical events that occurred during the political, cultural and
social development of the region were not recorded. No writers, thinkers or
scholars wrote about Postov, and the town doesn't even appear on large-scale
maps. But the Jews of Postov loved their shtetl, and they maintained a active and
varied, Jewish way of life in the more distant past, and especially during the
years between the two world wars.
Most of what is written in this book is
based on memories, personal experiences and information gathered from various
individuals. I was also helped by books about the wars of the last hundred
years, written memories of Jewish life in Lithuania in general, and
encyclopedias in several languages.
I have not written dry facts and episodes.
All of the events are accompanied by shorter or longer discourses about the
political changes, and the cultural, economic and social developments that
affected the ongoing events. For clarity it was necessary to include short
historical episodes from the more recent past in Lithuania, especially in the
Vilna district.
I have written in Litvisheh
[Lithuanian] Yiddish, although I am not sure that I have been grammatically
consistent in my writing. Fifty years of wandering in various different lands
have undoubtedly affected my Yiddish writing. I hope that my dear readers will
forgive me that some of the chapters contain personal anecdotes. It was not my
intention to relate my own biography, but the short biographical sketches throw
light on the Zeitgeist in that small point on the map, Postov, as well as on my
own personal life history.
Shachne Achiasaf (Tseplovitz) **,
helped me with his knowledge of publishing, Alexander Ben-Hur (Manfil), Rachel
Borovsky, Abba Weiner, Fima Wexler, Meir Tadress, Yaakov Feigel, Hanoch Reuveni
(Rabinovitch), Zalman Rachman, Sh'muel Shteingold, Chava Shteingold and Arieyeh Sheftl, and my wife Miriam,
all helped with their encouragement and patience.
I have, to my regret, been constrained
to shorten the length of the book, and am not able to acknowledge many of those
financial and moral support have helped to make this book, nor all of the
sources I used for the story of Postov
that appears in it. I was also unable to include photographs from institutions,
organizations and individuals who were forthcoming with information and reminiscences
about Jewish life in my little shteteleh Postov.
* Shachne Achiasaf (Tseplovitz), who died in
2004 at the age of 97, was my maternal Aunt Bunia's husband. Various members of
the family were in publishing in Lithuania/Belarus, and Shachne established a
small but well-known publishing company in Palestine in 1937, which is still
operating under his son Matan's ownership and management.
Translator's Note
In the summer of 2005, I began to
translate my Uncle Israel Raichel's Mayn Shtetl Postov from Yiddish into English. More than
thirty years have passed since it was published, and there are now very few
people who can read this book in Yiddish. Of those who lived in Postov, I am
not aware of any alive today, but they have left many descendants. I myself
wanted to read the book, despite my very limited understanding of the language
and a complete ignorance of its grammar. A very non-intensive course in
Yiddish, and the very extensive use of Uriel Weinreich's Modern
Yiddish-English Dictionary, together with considerable experience in Hebrew-to-English
translation, has made it possible for me to read the book, and to translate it.
In addition, I dipped, rather than immersed myself, into the history of Eastern
Europe in general. Although I already had a fairly broad knowledge of Jewish
history there and in Europe in general, I was fairly ignorant of general
Eastern European history.
As a final touch to
this background, and while still in the middle of the translation, I visited
Lithuania in the autumn of 2005. Although I was unable to get to Postov itself,
due to likely border problems at the Lithuania-Belarus border, I got close
enough – twenty kilometers to the west of Postov – to become
acquainted with the natural scenery of the area and the atmosphere, the aromas
and the light in the fall of the year, of a small town, Adutishkis (formerly Hydotzishok)
and a larger town, Svencian (Svenciyonis), both of which are mentioned in
Israel Raichel's book. Indeed,
after his marriage, Israel's paternal uncle Reb Shimon Raichel lived in Adutishkis,
where he established a brick-making factory, which was one of the
Raichel/Reichel family trades and sources of livelihood.
My Shtetl
Postov (pp.
10–12)
Postov is located on the border between Lithuania and Belarus,
or White Russia, half-way between Vilna [Vilnius] and Palatzk. Prior to World
War I Postov was under Russian dominance. One hundred years ago (i.e., about
1870-1880) Lithuania dominated Postov and even beyond it, deep into Russia.
During World War I Postov was on the front-line
between Russia and Germany and was completely destroyed. For two years after this
war the town was a battleground between the Bolsheviks and Poland. The
Bolsheviks finally had several victories and reached Warsaw. Being in a generous
mood, or for political reasons, Russia returned to Lithuania part of the Vilna
gubernia, up to Postov. The Miadlekeh River, which flows thorough Postov, was
the border, so that half of the town was under Russian rule and half under
Lithuanian control.
This did not last long. On 19 October
1920, the Polish General Zeligovski made a surprise attack on Lithuania and
occupied part the Vilna gubernia of Lithuania and almost to Globok. Postov
remained under Polish control until 17 September 1939 when, as per an agreement
with Hitler's Germany, Russia took over the entire region. On 21 June 1941
Germany attacked Russia, following which Postov remained under German rule until
the Russians repulsed the German attack.
Postov's topography is remarkably beautiful. The town
is surrounded by rivers and lakes, hills and valleys, great pine forests and
fields. The Miadlekeh River, which flows through the town, emanates from Lake
Naratzer, which lies between the Miadlekeh and the Naratzer forests; it was to
these forests that the partisans fled from the ghettos and from them they
carried out their activities of sabotage during almost the entire duration of
the Nazi occupation. Cut timber was floated down the Miadlekeh River to the
Disenkeh River, which flows into the Dvina and thus found its way to the Baltic
Sea. In this way, the lumber reached Riga and then Germany.
Under almost two decades of Polish rule
[after WW I – October 1920 to September 1939] Postov grew. The entire
town was paved with cobblestones and was therefore much less muddy than other
towns in the area. Postov had four main streets and several smaller
side-streets. Vilna Street was the town's crown. Both sides of the street were bordered
with large, tall trees and the military barracks. The great white palace, and
its surrounding large park, and the Zamarik woods, made Vilna Street
majestically beautiful and an attractive location for strolling.
The beautiful buildings all around
Market Place, and many other buildings in the town, as well as large areas of
open land around the town, had once belonged to Count Yozef Psedzhevski. Many
old Jewish houses stood near the bathhouses, which officially, but not de
facto, belonged to Goyim, this because according to the old Russian laws, Jews
were not allowed to own their own bathhouses. After the First World War several
goyim wanted to take over the Jewish houses that stood on "their"
bathhouses. Their demands were not legally recognized.
Prior to the Second World War there
were about 2,500 Jews in Postov. The other residents were White Russians, Poles
and a few Moslem families. The Jews spoke a "half" Litvisheh Yiddish,
the goyim spoke Russian, White-Russian, Polish and, after the First World War,
Lithuanian as well.
When Did Jews Settle in Postov? (pp. 13–14)
I was not successful in finding information that could
verify a definitive date for when Jews first began to settle in Postov. The
Great Russian Encyclopedia of 1916 notes that in 1847 there were 551 Jews, and
in 1897 there were already 1310, while the entire population was estimated as
2,397. Other encyclopedias report the same numbers.
According to my memory, there was a
tombstone in Postov's [Jewish] cemetery [Beis Olam] from the 17th century.
According to a map that appeared in the first volume of "Lithuanian
Jewry", [Yahadut Litta/Lithuanian
Jewry], which was published in Tel Aviv in 1959, Jews were already living in
towns and villages in Lithuania in the 15th century. The Jewish settlements were
marked on this map by the Lithuanian government as centers for tax-collection
from Jews. As of the 15th century Jews were living in Polotzk, Drissa, Driya,
Globok, Smargon and Oshmeneh, which also appeared on the map; one can therefore
safely assume [fuller zicherkeit – complete certainty] that Jews were also to be
found in Postov at that time.
From where did the Jews come to
Lithuania and Postov? As a result of recurrent persecutions and pogroms Jews were
forced to wander from land to land. Kiev was a gathering point of Jews.
Well-known historians are of the opinion that the Jews that arrived in Kiev
already in the eighth century were Kuzari survivors, or remnants. In the 12th
century Jews fleeing the Crusades arrived from Germany, and Jews migrated [eingevandert– "wandered in"?] from other countries
as well. Thus, about 800 years ago, when Jews were forced to seek new homes,
they came to Lithuania, and to Postov as well. The believers in Christianity
and the Catholic ministers had no influence in Lithuania [at that time] and
Jews found a safe place to settle down for a period of time that lasted until
the Second World War.
The Railway
(p. 15)
Before the First World War, Postov was on a small
railway branch-line between Ponevezys and Berezvesht, which was one station
after Globok. To travel to Vilna, one had to transfer at Novo-Svencionys to a
second, wider-gauge railway line to Vilna, through which the train route
between St. Petersberg and Warsaw passed.
During World War I the Germans built a
wide-gauge railway line from Novo- Svencionys to the front-line in Postov. This
line made it possible to transport war materiel directly from Germany to the
front-line. The Bolsheviks extended this line to the Russian rail hubs.
After the war, Postov shopkeepers and tradesmen
therefore had a better connection with Vilna, where the more important
wholesalers were located. This direct connection helped to improve business in
Postov.
The Market Place (pp. 16–17)
The Market Place in Postov was recognized as the most
beautiful in the entire region. Four main streets led into the market. Many
years earlier, on Court [Artikker]
Street and all around Market Place, large and beautiful white-washed buildings
were erected, all according to a well worked-out master plan. The larger shops
were located in the nicer buildings, the smaller ones in similarly-constructed
small wooden booths, and all lined up in small street-like formations according
to an overall plan. A certain part of the market was set aside for traders who
sold their wares [s'khoireh –
goods and/or produce] from wagons.
In the southern part of the Market
there was a large building, also white-washed, that resembled a fortress. It
may actually have been built, many years earlier, for defensive purposes. In
the center of this building, entered through two large doors, there was a large
courtyard into which horses and wagons could be driven. There were more shops,
both in this courtyard and outside the "fortress". The police
commissioner and the police officers were quartered in another large building,
as was the jail. Two Protestant churches, one of either side of Market Place, "protected"
it. Downhill from the Market, near the river, stood Postov's aesthetically
beautiful Catholic cloister. The Miadlekeh River wound around three sides of
the cloister and an abbey [g'lakhs hoiz ; glakh, from Hebrew, is
"shaved" (heads)],
forming a true peninsula.
Monday was the market day, and a lot of
trading went on. Almost all of the businesses were in Jewish hands. Traders
from near and far bought grain, animals, fur and leather pelts, flax, pigs' hair, fruit, eggs
and butter from the peasant farmers [poyyerim]. The farmers were able to purchase all of their
needs, from thread and a needle to a ready-made outfit [costume]. Traders began coming from further areas already on
Sunday in order to be in the market as early as possible on the morn of the
next day. For the Jews, the in-flow of so many Jews [from elsewhere] created a
holiday atmosphere in the town.
The "Blind" River and Napoleon's Treasure
(p. 18)
The Blind River wasn't actually really a river, but a
small lake, about a vierst long and vierst across. Where the name "Blind
River" came from is unknown. No one was even interested. Perhaps because
of the black baths [bad'n - or
pools] all around it, the water was as black as coffee, and this may be the
reason behind the name "Blind River". There were only a small amount
of very small okeness [?] in the
lake, which also had a dark appearance.
People believed that it was healthy to
bathe in the dark water of the lake. The water was very still and therefore
froze earlier than it did elsewhere, and so people began to ice-skate there
sooner.
The black mud around the "Blind
River" was overgrown with large blackberry bushes, which were called
"pianitzes". During the months of Av and Elul [August and September]
the whole town went out to pick blackberries.
There was a widely-known legend that
Napoleon had left a great treasure in the lake, and that it comes out of the
water from time to time. To the present day, no one has been able to catch the
treasure. No one was even able to see it, because it disappears very quickly.
The legend also tells that if someone will give it a whack with a shoe, it will
remain standing in place.
To this day, no one has been able to do
this – probably because it takes too long to take off a shoe.
The Military Barracks (pp. 19–21)
At the end of the 19th century, the topography of
Postov and the surrounding area drew the attention of the military headquarters
in St. Petersburg. Military experts came to the area and determined that it was
a suitable place for a training camp. For this purpose, a large building, which
could hold 2000 people, was constructed at the end of Vilner Street. Behind
this large building, in the forest that reached as far as the river below,
small barracks were built for the soldiers who served [? or served under] the
officers who lived in the large building, as well as stables for the horses,
and various other buildings needed for such a large military post.
In the large open area in front of the
large building there was a large podium made of berovezeh [?broad; ?smooth] planks. Here, on some evenings
during the summer months, when officers from all over Russia came here for
annual training and maneuvers, a brass band of about one hundred soldiers used
to give concerts. On the right side of the barracks there were several tennis
courts where the officers played tennis to the sound of the music.
Avenues bordered by tall trees lined
both sides of Vilner Street, up to the count's palace, which stood not far from
the barracks. The entire aspect of the street was that of a
"promenade". Along the avenue, there were long benches, and during
the concerts these were always filled with residents of Postov. People from the
surrounding areas also used to come to listen to the concerts.
A short distance away from the center
of the town, on the right side of Vilner Street, there were barracks for the soldiers
who remained in Postov throughout the entire year. They maintained the entire
base, and took care of the dogs, the foxes and the deer that the officers
needed for their hunting games.
A bit further, on the left side of the
street, a large high building stood, where the military musicians lived. A
large number of these musicians were young boys, apparently the bastard sons of
the officers, whom the army had adopted. This building stood at the edge of the
Zamarik forest, where town's youths used to in the summer months.
In a large pine forest, seven viersts
beyond the count's palace, the army had erected an arena for sports and races,
with various high and low obstacles, over which, as part of their training, the
officers used to teach their horses to jump. Sometimes a horse took fright from
an obstacle and shied or ran sideways, thus throwing its rider.
There were longer and shorter races
over hills and valleys, rivers and swamps, and these too were very interesting.
They participants rode in groups, and each officer was free to ride however he
thought was the best way to cover the distance in the shortest amount of time.
Along the way, however, they had to go past certain known points, so that they
couldn't shorten the predetermined distance. There were also clock-timed
individual races. The rider had to come back to the point form which he set out,
without missing any of the control points.
The chases after foxes and deer were
also very popular. The animals were released, and during the chase were either
caught alive as they ran or wounded with a sword. Shooting was not permitted.
These games went on throughout the entire summer. The officers and soldiers
used to come by train, with their horses, from St. Petersburg. Many of Postov's
residents wouldn't miss the arrival of the officers and soldiers and their wild
horses, the unloading of which used to take a whole day.
The local children used to play various
different soldier games, and would even make epaulettes, like those of ordinary
soldiers, officers and even of the general. The "general" was chosen
by casting lots.
During the First World War the barracks
were destroyed by the German artillery forces that held the front line, which
was in the vicinity of Postov for three years. Poland had established barracks
in the forest not far from the train station.
The Arrest in the Forest (pp. 22–23)
On summery Shabbes evenings, Jews strolled leisurely
in the streets of the shtetl. They walked with their hands either crossed either
behind their backs or used to gesticulate in order to indicate the logic of the
meaning of the point under discussion. The women and the smaller children
followed them, and talked "in public" about "viebisher" [women's] matters. The older children played
their various children's games in the streets or in the courtyards. The Shabbes-schineh, or Shabbes atmosphere dominated the entire town. [The
Shechina, is the Divine Presence.[
Suddenly the sound of marching was heard
in the distance. It sounded like a regiment of soldiers on the march. When the
marchers came close enough to recognize their faces, the people strolling in
the streets were frightened and alarmed. The ones marching were their sons and
daughters, accompanied by police and gendarmes, who held whips and revolvers in
their hands. The police and the gendarmes were brutal, and simply drove the
boys and girls like animals and even struck them with their whips. The young
people were "statznikess" who were fighting for the right to have "statzkes"
[?demonstrations] or hold strikes in their struggle for better working
conditions.
On this particular summer Shabbes, the
Statznikess of the town had held a covert meeting in the depths of the woods. By
chance, Vechter [not in my dictionary; apparently
a personal name], known to be a complete
reactionary and an anti-Semite, passed by. He immediately informed the local
police commissioner about the meeting. The police commissioner quickly called
policemen and gendarmes from the nearby towns and villages and they made an
ambush on the gathering, with the hope of catching the carp'n-kepp [literally carp-heads, and meaning, apparently big
shots, leaders] of the revolutionaries and to thus be worthy of recognition and
great honor from the higher "natshalnikes" [?authorities]
– and also perhaps promotion to a higher position. He was, however,
sorely disappointed. The gathering had been encircled by a score of
"look-outs" who gave an advance warning, which was heard throughout
the forest, and warned of the coming ambush. The leader and many of those
gathered there were able to get away in time.
Those who were arrested were released
early on Sunday morning. The police commissioner sent a protocol to the
"sledovartel" in Dissneh stating that the meeting had only been a cultural
outing of young people. This protocol made the commissioner richer by several
nice tens of rubles.
When the Russian Soldiers Celebrated Simchas Toirah
(pp. 24–25)
Soldiers were always to be found in Postov. They guarded
the military barracks and took care of the deer, the dogs and the foxes that
the officers needed for their various summer games. In 1910 a large number of
the soldiers decided to celebrate Simchas Toirah.
They weren't really very interested in
Simchas Toirah itself, or in dancing with the Torah. They were, rather, greatly
endeared of the bitter drop, vodka, and for them this happened very often,
without any connection to any particular date. Although one yontef a year was definitely insufficient to satisfy their
taste and love for Vodka, they decided, in 1910, to really celebrate the Jewish
Simchas Toirah.
This time they lost control completely,
and lost their heads as well. On their way to the "monopolkeh" to buy
more vodka, they insulted and even struck a few Jews who were on their way to
the synagogue for the hakaffot.
When those who had been attacked came to the synagogue, which was full of
half-intoxicated Jews, they very quickly agreed to the suggestion of a couple
of the younger fellows, that now was a suitable time to "settle
accounts" with the soldiers, and not only for the events of this evening,
but for all of the soldiers' "good deeds" of the entire year.
Resolved and acted upon. The young
Jewish fellows armed themselves with broomsticks, spades, shovels, and boards
from fences, and with these "weapons" they fell upon the soldiers.
This unexpected assault took the soldiers completely by surprise and, totally confused,
they fled from the town. Some of them jumped over the fences in order to hide
in the fields and gardens. The night was cloudy, and suddenly a strong harvest
rain, accompanied by thunder and lightening, poured down. It looked like a real
war scene.
Early the next morning, soldiers' great-coats
were found hanging on the fences. As they jumped over the fences, these long coats
were caught on the pointed boards. The soldiers had to quickly slip out of
their coats and run for it, because the Jewish shtekken, boards, were raining blows on their heads. The
soldiers didn't make any accusations or file any complaints because they would
have been punished for making a riot in the town. But they never forgot this
night of Simchas Toirah and after it was over, they were more "antshtendik" [?decent/respectful].
Children's Superstitions (p. 26)
A shaygetz
drowned in Lake Zadzsever, which was located just beyond the Jewish cemetery,
the Beis Olam. Two days passed, and his body was still not found. It was the
talk of the town, and many people went to the lake to look at the search for
the body.
The pupils of Yoel the Melamed [teacher]
of the heder also took great
interest in this event. Motkeh, the oldest pupil in the heder, proposed that the pupils go to the lake after their
lessons. All of the pupils immediately set out. They had to go past the Jewish
cemetery. When they reached the cemetery, Motkeh ordered them to stop and told
them that only those children who knew the "Shema Yisrael" and the "Ve'ahavtah" by heart could go further, because in the
daytime the dead came out of their graves and played on various instruments and
observed the passers-by to make sure that they said the "Shema Yisrael" and the "Ve'ahavtah" – and if they didn't do so, then
. . .
Even before Motkeh had finished
speaking, all of the children, who were badly frightened and confused, began to
run into the town, feeling all the time that the dead were running after them.
Some of these children, among them the writer of these lines, were so upset
psychologically that they dreamt about the dead and had hallucinations and
various other symptoms for a long time. As a result, doctors and "exorcists"
had a bit more business, and the parents, a lot of aggravation.
The Children's Revolution and Its Failure
(pp. 28–29)
The revolutionary atmosphere in Russia at the
beginning of the twentieth century captured the minds of the children of
Postov. Big Yoshkeh, a lad of fourteen years, organized a group of boys, the
children of simple craftsmen and artisans, with the intention of matching up to
the rich kids in the town. They decided that they were also entitled to be able
to buy candy, ice-cream and flavored soda. In order to do this, they "laid a tax" on the rich kids. They warned
them that they would be beaten if they didn't come forth with the demanded sums,
and also if they said anything about this to their parents. The secret,
however, lasted only a short time. It was unintentionally revealed.
One day, on a summer Shabbas afternoon,
Yisrael Raichel and his friends from the "Heder Metukkan" [a more
modern school, where children were taught general subjects, not only G'moireh] were strolling in the Zamarik, when they were offended
by a group of youngsters who were there, playing cards. When they saw among the players a pupil from
the "Heder Metukkan", they decided to get him away from the game, for
it is not honorable to play cards in the woods [and on Shabbes, no less]. Before
they could decide what to do, Big Yoshkeh and his two adjutants came along and
grabbed their money from two of the players, saying that it was two weeks overdue
to them, and threatened that if they again failed to make payment exactly on
time, they would beat them up.
Yisrael Raichel, however, was the son
of Avrom-Itzik the Brick-maker, and among the children he was considered a shtarkn, a strong one, besides which he could always depend
on the support of his three older cousins, the Shwartz brothers. Yisrael suggested
that they explain what they were demanding payment for. Yoshkeh suggested/advised
them to shut up if they wanted to stay alive. Yisrael gave the card-players a
few twists of the ears, and to Yoshkeh he landed a hefty punch, and they began
to discuss. They finally reached the decision that there would no longer be any
demand for, nor any payment of, any money.
Yoshkeh, however, didn't give up. With the help of some hired
shkotzim* he organized two attacks
– one in Vilner Street near the Advocate Shapira's house, and the second on
the children of the "Heder Metukkan", as they were leaving the
schoolhouse. The latter, however, were prepared and broke, "but good",
the bones of the young "revolutionaries" and their shkotzim abettors, who were thus persuaded that Jews can give
good blows. They all deserted Yoshkeh.
And the revolution was a total failure.
*- shkotzim comes
from the Hebrew, sheketz , meaning
an abomination, an unclean creature; in colloquial usage, shaygets is an unruly youngster, a Gentile youngster -- or, by
extension, like one.] And, of
course, Yiddish contains many other Hebrew terms and words. ]
Sin and Retribution (p. 29)
Aharon Pergament was the richest man in the town. He
was a big lumber merchant and also had, in Postov itself, a beer brewery and a
saw-mill. Once, when he was in the brewery early in the morning, he didn't like
the way one of the workers was working. He came over to the worker and landed
him such a slap in the face that the worker fell over. In the evening, he was
again in his saw-mill, and he didn't like the way a worker was putting a board
in the machine saw, in order to cut it narrower. Wanting to show how this
should be done, and apparently agitated and insufficiently cautious, instead of
sawing the board, he sawed off his hand – the same hand with which he had
slapped the worker in the morning.
Pergament was a stubborn man, but he
was a religious Jew and a philanthropist. He felt that he had lost his hand as
punishment for slapping the worker. When he returned from the hospital in
Vilna, he went to the worker and asked his forgiveness, and also left him a
large sum of money.
A Crazy Dog Attacks the Community's Leaders Parnossim (p. 30)
This crazy dog event took place in January 1912. The
leaders of the community were gathered for the monthly meeting of the community
council. There were many matters to be dealt with and the meeting dragged out
till late at night. As they were going home, a mad dog "greeted" them
with great ferocity. He sprang at them and tried to bite their faces. Because
of the terrible freezing cold, their faces were covered with the large furs
coats that they were wearing, and the dog wasn't able to reach their faces.
Nevertheless, the dog was able to bite two men, Leib Pergament and the iron
shopkeeper Lubotsky.
Early the next morning, Leib Pergament
traveled to Vilna where he was examined and treated by important doctors.
Lubotsky had received only a small bite and ignored it. Later, when it was
discovered that he had blood-poisoning, it was too late to cure him and he
died.
On that same night the dog had tried to
attack the night-watchman of the Jewish street, Herr Peretz. Peretz, however,
attacked the mad dog, beating it with his big spade and the dog, yelping loudly,
ran away.
News about the mad dog quickly spread
throughout the entire town and all of the inhabitants stayed in their houses
until the police and other men, who hunting rifles, found the mad dog and shot
him.
Sports
in Postov (p. 31)
There
were no organized sports in Postov until after the First World War was over. In
the summer, people went to swim, and there were good swimmers among them. In
the winter, they ice-skated. The Miadlekeh River had outflow near Vilner Street,
and there, after the first snows, people constructed high snow-banks all
around. Skating within these walls was very pleasant even on the coldest days
of the winter. Before the snows came, people skated on the Blind River, which,
because its waters were very still, froze over before other bodies of water.
Although these were the only sports available, one cannot
say that the young folk of Postov weren't interested in sports. All of the
sports activities of the officers in the summer months, which I described
above, were enthusiastically attended by the town's residents.* In their games,
the children of the town imitated the officers and soldiers, and the war games
that they played were very popular.
In later years, after the First World War ended and there
was peace on the border between Poland and Russia, the young people began to
take up various different sports activities.
*My mother used to tell me about
these games and how they liked to go to see them. It's not easy to remember
that entertainment of any kind was
not common in those days, not in the shtetls.
Beaten
for Striking His Wife (pp. 31–32)
It was
an accepted fact that a Jew doesn't beat his wife. But there were exceptions.
And there was such an exception in Postov. There was a middle-aged Jew who
would often beat his wife. It isn't important to know the name of this man, for
it will add nothing at all to this sorrowful episode.
Neighbors used to tell about the wife's terrible
screaming and crying, day and night, that was heard from this Jew's house. The
whole town knew what was going on there, and people deliberated about what to
do to help the woman.
After long consultations, some of the young adults
decided to do something in order to stop the man's brutal handling of his wife.
A delegation of two Jews came to Jew in his house and had an innocent and
"cozy" talk [shmoo-ess –
from which we get shmooze] with
him about the attitudes of Yiddisheh men according to age-old Jewish
traditions. The Jew agreed with what he heard of this morality lecture, but he
didn't want to make any promise that he would stop beating his wife. Before the
delegation left the man's house, they told him that they would deal very
harshly with him. They gave him a week's time to decide how to deal with this
matter.
Two weeks passed and there was no change. The strong
young fellows decided to carry out what they had said they would do. On
Shabbes, between Mincheh and Mai'rev, when the town's rabbi was studying Mishna with the Jews in the shul, these fellows tricked
the "wife-beater" into the shtibl [small prayer room], stretched him out on a long
table, and began to beat the tender parts of his body with a leather strap. The
Yid, however, was also a strong fellow, and he freed himself, jumped down from
the table and out through an open window into the street.
A few weeks later they again grabbed him, got him into
the shul and spread out on a
table, and pulled down his trousers. Four fellows held him down on the table,
and two "shmeisers"
[thrashers] with specially prepared kontshikes [disciplinary whips], one on either side of the
table, delivered twenty-five lashes. Before they let him go, they told him that
he would get fifty if he didn't begin to behave in a menshlecheh [decent, humane] and Yiddisheh way to his wife.
The twenty-five lashes helped, but it was perhaps the
fear of the promised fifty lashes that worked to ensure that he stop beating
his wife.
Hanna
Laekeh Marries (?פארפירט) a Shaygitz (pp.
34–35)
When
one is fated to have troubles they can come even from one's own daughter. Hanna
Leah, who was the daughter of a typical shtetl Jew (whose name it not important here) was a
beautiful maiden. Young fellows wanted to be counted among her friends or to go
strolling with her.
Hanna Leah, or Hanna Laehkeh as she was later called,
fell in love with a shaygetz and was
always chatting with him. Her parents, who were greatly disturbed by this,
prevailed upon their daughter to give the shaygetz up, but to no avail. The parents became very
embittered and decided to confine her to the house. Because of her hot love
[yes É hayseh libeh] for him,
Hanna Leah found ways to get out of the house and to go out to be with her shaygetz. She would jump out of a window, or exploit the
moment when her mother went out to buy something in a shop. Finally, they
decided to give their daughter, upon her return, a beating each time she went
out. Once, when the father gave her a good beating with a stick, Hanna Leahkeh
retaliated with a slap in his face and ran out of the house. A long time
passed, and no one heard from her.
Some men decided to go and find out from the shaygetz where Hanna Laehkeh could be found. The shaygetz became tired fed up with talking about her. And, finally,
got angry when they didn't leave him alone and said that he didn't know where
she was that he wasn't interested in her.
A few months later it became known that Hanna-Laehkeh was
employed in the "oldest profession" in the world; she had become a
street-walker.
Leib
the Wagon-Driver (p. 36)
Actually, Leib wasn't a proper wagon-driver. He wasn't
employed with taking passengers to and from the train, or from one town to another.
Leib had an old horse and he used to deliver sacks of flour from the grain
store to the houses in the shtetl.
It took only half an hour for the horse to carry a sack of meal from the knoll
to the bridge over the Miadlekeh River, a distance of about a quarter of a
vierst, and maybe even less.
He had barely enough of a livelihood (parnosseh) from this to provide for his large family. Not only
that, but his horses would very free themselves from the shafts of the wagon
and lie down and not get up again. In the town they said that his horses were
dying because he didn't give them enough to eat, and it is highly likely that
there was more than a grain of truth in this. He didn't earn enough to feed his
own family, so how could he afford to buy enough oats and hay for his horses?
But Leib never went for a long time without a horse.
The Jews in the shul would collect
enough money to buy another old or half-blind horse for him. In the town they
joked that this horse was "a real one".
Leib was a quiet man, and an honest one, and all of
the Jews in the shtetl liked him.
Without him they would not be able to obtain the flour for baking their bread
on the weekdays and their hallas for Shabbos on time.
Translation to here sent to Daniel
Raichel on 3 August 2005
Yiddishe
Children Dance around a Yolkeh
and the Yiddisheh Kehilla (Jewish Community) Storms (pp. 37–38)
Assimilation
doesn't arrive suddenly. It comes by way of a long process of circumstances, often
barely noticeable. An innocuous deviation, a tiny step, is often joined by a
second or third small act, and one is on the slippery slope and rolling down to
the precipice of assimilation. The final stage of assimilation comes about on
the university campuses: mixed marriages and even shmad – apostasy or conversion.
Our rabbis, throughout the different eras, struggled
bitterly against even the smallest deviations from the correct path [derekh
ha-melek h– lit. the
kings'/royal way], from the ways of the old rabbis. The rabbis' struggle became
more difficult with the beginning of the Enlightenment, which brought with it
the first wave of assimilation, in Germany, and then spread quickly to other
countries a well.
Despite their failure, the rabbis' struggle still goes
on today. Their failure is perhaps the result of the old rabbinical methods of
fighting, which are insufficiently organized and unsuited to the new
conditions. Their deeds often do more harm than good and more Jews distance
themselves [from their Judaism]. Such a thing happened in Postov about sixty years
ago [i.e., ~1910].
Moisheh-Yitzchok was a very devout Jew, old-fashioned
and, in addition, a very obstinate person. He caused a great storm in the town
with the clumsy and uncivilized way he behaved towards his daughter, who
– in his view – had strayed from the right path. The event took
place on a cold New Year's eve.
The only Russian school in the town used to organize
an entertainment program on the evening before Christmas. A large yolkeh, a Christmas tree, lit up with tiny colored electric
lights and decorated with various glass ornaments and paper confetti, provided merriment
and enthusiasm for the students, who danced around it. The yolkeh remained standing until after the New Year's
festivities.
The Jewish students, who at the age of thirteen left
their schooling in the heder and
studied in the Russian school, also participated in the New Year's festivities.
All of the students, the Jewish ones and their friends, boys and girls, were
dancing together around the yolkeh.
The door of the hall was suddenly thrown open.
Moshe-Yitzchak burst into the room screaming wildly "Where is my
daughter?" and began to look for her among the mass of students. When he
noticed her dancing enthusiastically around the yolkeh with the other children, he ran to her and, wild with
wrath, grabbed her by the hair and dragged her out to the street. The festivity
was ruined, and the children sadly made their war home, disappointed and
embittered.
The Jews in Postov were also disappointed and
embittered. They talked about Moisheh-Yitzchok's brutish behavior for a long
time afterward.
Reb Shimshon the Gemara Teacher (pp. 39–40)
Reb
Shimshon was not the usual kind of melamed – teacher in a heder.
He was ordained as a rabbi and was a great scholar and a tzaddik – a pious and saintly man. In his time, eminent
rabbis corresponded with him about halakhic rulings [i.e., of the legislative aspects of
rabbinical literature] and often sided with his meanings.
Rabbi Shimshon was extremely modest, never seeking
honor or riches. He felt that he was too weak to lead a congregation as a
rabbi. His call was to lead a quiet life and to study Torah with no worries,
and he earned his livelihood by studying Gemara with older children. The town of Postov was proud of
him. Every father whose son studied Gemara in Rabbi Shimshon's heder
dreamt that his son would become a great scholar and even receive ordination as
a rabbi.
When, after a long illness, Rabbi Shimshon died, the
whole town mourned. Many rabbis from the surrounding towns came to his funeral.
The heads of Postav's Jewish community, the members of the Hevreh Kaddisheh (Burial Society) and the visiting rabbis convened to
organize the funeral in a way suitable for such a great and pious scholar.
The town's Hevreh Kaddisheh had a coffin for poor Jews, and those with no family
to see to their burial. A horse carried the coffin with the body of the dead
person to the Bais Olam, the Jewish
cemetery, which was a great distance away from the town. Wealthier Jews and
scholars were brought on a litter that was carried by a group of important or prominent
proprietors. A large number of people were needed to carry the litter, in order
to relieve each other from time to time.
When the number and selection of pallbearers was
finalized, the door of the gathering place suddenly opened and a delegation of
the local socialists entered. They demanded that their members also be among
the pallbearers, because they too had held the departed in great esteem. Their
behavior and demands took everyone by surprise.
The surprise was even greater when the socialists' spokesman
declared that he would not hold long discussions or arguments, but would rely
on the verdict of three rabbis. Three rabbis immediately went into a second
room and quickly returned with a decision that the young socialists should also
be among the pallbearers, because it is a case of penitence. Their decision was
received gladly by all.
A heavy snowfall began before the funeral procession
set out, and it quickly became a storm. It was very difficult to carry the
litter bearing the deceased Rabbi Shimshon in the deep snow. The pallbearers
frequently slipped or fell, and the procession proceeded very slowly. Were it
not for the strong shoulders of the young socialists, they would have reached
the cemetery very late and night would have fallen. All of the people attending
the funeral felt deep gratitude for the heroic young socialist-Jews.
The
Effect of the Beilis Trial* (pp. 41)
*
1913 - A blood-libel indictment in Kiev against Mendel Beilis; Beilis was
ultimately
exonerated and set free after spending
more than two years in prison awaiting trial.
As long as Postov was on the border between Lithuania and White Russia, there was no fear of pogroms. Lithuania had become Catholic later than other countries in Europe, and the anti-Semitic Polish clergymen had no influence in Lithuania, and the White Russians had no great love for the Russians. The area around Postov therefore was not affected by the Ru